英文励志演讲稿(精选多篇)

common people by various kinds of all-embracing police governments to a degree which is overwhelming and contrary to every principle of democracy. the power of the state is exercised without restraint, either by dictators or by compact oligarchies operating through a privileged party and a political police. it is not our duty at this time when difficulties are so numerous to interfere forcibly in the internal affairs of countries which we have not conquered in war. but we must never cease to proclaim in fearless tones the great principles of freedom and the rights of man which are the joint inheritance of the english-speaking world and which through magna carta, the bill of rights, the habeas corpus, trial by jury, and the english common law find their most famous expression in the american declaration of independence.

all this means that the people of any country have the right, and should have the power by constitutional action, by free unfettered elections, with secret ballot, to choose or change the character or form of government under which they dwell; that freedom of speech and thought should reign; that courts of justice, independent of the executive, unbiased by any party, should administer laws which have received the broad assent of large majorities or are consecrated by time and custom. here are the title deeds of freedom which should lie in every cottage home. here is the message of the british and american peoples to mankind. let us preach what we practice -- let us practice what we preach.

though i have now stated the two great dangers which menace the home of the people, war and tyranny, i have not yet spoken of poverty and privation which are in many cases the prevailing anxiety. but if the dangers of war and tyranny are removed, there is no doubt that science and cooperation can bring in the next few years, certainly in the next few decades, to the world, newly taught in the sharpening school of war, an expansion of material well-being beyond anything that has yet occurred in human experience.

now, at this sad and breathless moment, we are plunged in the hunger and distress which are the aftermath of our stupendous struggle; but this will pass and may pass quickly, and there is no reason except human folly or sub-human crime which should deny to all the nations the inauguration and enjoyment of an age of plenty. i have often used words which i learn fifty years ago from a great irish-american orator, a friend of mine, mr. bourke cockran, “there is enough for all. the earth is a generous mother; she will provide in plentiful abundance food for all her children if they will but cultivate her soil in justice and peace.” so far i feel that we are in full agreement.

now, while still pursing the method -- the method of realizing our over-all strategic concept, i come to the crux of what i have traveled here to say. neither the sure prevention of war, nor the continuous rise of world organization will be gained without what i have called the fraternal

association of the english-speaking peoples. this means a special relationship between the british commonwealth and empire and the united states of america. ladies and gentlemen, this is no time for generality, and i will venture to the precise. fraternal association requires not only the growing friendship and mutual understanding between our two vast but kindred systems of society, but the continuance of th(请继续 关注好)e intimate relations between our military advisers, leading to common study of potential dangers, the similarity of weapons and manuals of instructions, and to the interchange of officers and cadets at technical colleges. it should carry with it the continuance of the present facilities for mutual security by the joint use of all naval and air force bases in the possession of either country all over the world. this would perhaps double the mobility of the american navy and air force. it would greatly expand that of the british empire forces and it might well lead, if and as the world calms down, to important financial savings. already we use together a large number of islands; more may well be entrusted to our joint care in the near future.

the united states has already a permanent defense agreement with the dominion of canada, which is so devotedly attached to the british commonwealth and the empire. this agreement is more effective than many of those which have been made under formal alliances. this principle should be extended to all the british commonwealths with full

reciprocity. thus, whatever happens, and thus only, shall we be secure ourselves and able to works together for the high and simple causes that are dear to us and bode no ill to any. eventually there may come -- i feel eventually there will come -- the principle of common citizenship, but that we may be content to leave to destiny, whose outstretched arm many of us can already clearly see.

there is however an important question we must ask ourselves. would a special relationship between the united states and the british commonwealth be inconsistent with our over-riding loyalties to the world organization? i reply that, on the contrary, it is probably the only means by which that organization will achieve its full stature and strength. there are already the special united states relations with canada that i have just mentioned, and there are the relations between the united states and the south american republics. we british have also our twenty years treaty of collaboration and mutual assistance with soviet russia. i agree with mr. bevin, the foreign secretary of great britain, that it might well be a fifty years treaty so far as we are concerned. we aim at nothing but mutual assistance and collaboration with russia. the british have an alliance with portugal unbroken since the year 1384, and which produced fruitful results at a critical moment in the recent war. none of these clash with the general interest of a world agreement, or a world organization; on the contrary, they help it. “in my father’s house are many mansions.” special